Opinion: US and European indecision threaten liberal democracy

In the United States Congress, cheap political tactics, personal insults, and conspiratorial rhetoric block aid to Ukraine and Taiwan. In the United Kingdom’s House of Commons, a vote for a cease fire in the Israel-Hamas war resulted in the Scottish National Party protesting a rule change and staging a walkout while the Tories refused to cast their votes. In Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu’s administration is unresponsive to protests opposing his handling of the war in Gaza and failure to secure the safe return of hostages. Inside Romania and Moldova, Russian influence has threatened political leadership with conspiratorial politics. Romanians elect a new president in September. In Brazil, where G-20 leaders are currently gathering, Brazilian President Lula compared Israel’s war in Gaza to the Holocaust, resulting in an open conflict between Brazilian, German, and Israeli diplomats. Polish truckers are still blocking shipments of grain in and out of Ukraine. The link between these disparate stories: indecision within and between liberal democracies.

Liberal democracy inherently contains a level of conflict and debate across all political levels, whether within domestic politics or between close allies, such as the European Union members. With freedom comes a consensus making process that is not always elegant. The democratic legislative process requires working out and through challenging problems to create policy that maintains freedom, democracy, and a liberal society. Through often fierce policy debates and public challenges, democracy has worked to create immense opportunity. To function and create opportunity, however, democracy assumes a sort of basic maturity about politics and appreciation for the values of liberal democracy. What many democracies displayed over 2023 lacked maturity, and was a poor showing for a political system which authoritarians are eager to overthrow in 2024.

In the United States, conspiracies which even eight years ago were squarely beyond even the most fringe elements now feature among elected legislators. Legislators receive Russia’s eagerness to pressure Balkan nations to return to its sphere-of-influence with indifference or even cheap glee. US policy has failed to encourage Israel to re-examine its war policy, which has taken an incredible humanitarian toll on people within the Gaza Strip while failing to rescue all hostages kidnapped on 7 October. US legislators have also failed to examine a full range of options in the Red Sea, where Houthi operatives threaten civilian shipping. Not only has the risk within the seas surrounding Yemen increased, resulting in increased shipping times and a sudden reshuffle of shipping lanes raising shipping costs, but there is no solution in sight. Moreover, J.D. Vance in the Financial Times argued that the US should stop supporting European defence and security. The US Congress is not exhibiting smart policy, but withdrawal and retreat more tepid and weak-willed than the 1920’s bout with ‘Make America Great Again’ isolationists.

The United Kingdom is not showing much better. Although an election later this year is likely to provide a reshuffled Labour Party under Keir Starmer the opportunity to govern, its uncertain where the nation’s policy will head. The UK is facing recession and austerity. Although it’s far from the woes of the 1970s, there is little inspiration for recovery heading into the election. Meanwhile, the House of Commons, which agrees on an Israel-Hamas ceasefire, is arguing over parliamentary procedures. Parliamentarians do agree on aid to Ukraine, creating one bright spot among allied-nation foreign policy lacking conviction. In fact, the UK’s commitment to Ukraine is a model for democratic nations who, despite domestic challenges, can come together and support a nation threatened by totalitarianism.

The European Union is facing its own unique backlog of malign foreign influence. Leaders are attempting to draw up new defence policy should the US, potentially under a second Trump administration, withdraw from alliances and NATO support. Yet, the EU has been unable to work closer to dissuade Russian influence and aggression, or resolve challenges from authoritarian-leaning Hungary under Victor Orban. While Poland has a new government leaning closer to the EU, Polish truckers have maintained a multi-month blockade on Ukraine grain imports and exports. Moreover, there is a risk of inflation and stagflation across the continent resulting from rather uninspired policy.

Yet, at the end of the day, these nations still have democracy and liberty, allowing citizens and mature politics a position to influence global politics. UK and EU leadership can help navigate a path forward for Israel and Gaza. UK and EU leadership can navigate solutions to the Red Sea by building diplomatic and security forces which support international law and international shipping lanes. Mature politics in 2024 can help democracies navigate the complexity of elections by discouraging and jointly fighting disinformation. Working to dissuade totalitarian aggression, while utilising trade agreements and open governance to reform alliances will allow Europe and the US to show why democracy, despite its sometimes silly perfunctory, works.

Liberal democracies have many challenges to overcome this year. Yet, with a keen return to the values of liberal democracy, these challenges can initiate a turning point aiming towards recovery. Policy is a political process which allows for innovative approaches to preserve peace and human rights, while opening trade-alliances for innovation in technology, research, and medicine. In 2024, liberal democracies must commit to the full policy toolset such forms of government make available to law and policy makers.

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